This book results from the work of a NATO Advanced Research Workshop which took place in Lisbon, in 4–6 March 2005, and the edited volume now published in 2006 would not have been possible without the generous support of NATO.

We would therefore like to express our personal thanks, as well as those of the Instituto da Defesa Nacional (IDN), of Portugal, for this support.

In the course of the discussions after each presentation and joint meetings, it became clear that it would be impossible to achieve complete consensus on all issues, including definitional, or on recommendations. Nevertheless, a number of major themes emerged that enjoyed a good degree of support among the participants.

The post-Cold War period made a new concept of security imperative: it encompasses environmental, social, economical, political and military issues. Migrationas a civilizational phenomenon, albeit transitional, goes across this entire spectrum, particularly in a varied historical milieu as the Euro Mediterranean region is.

In turn, reforms and changes need to be carried out by South Mediterranean states and societies, in order to eliminate some of the obstacles to modernization, creating conditions for economic development at home with the help of North Mediterranean countries. Another package of reforms in European countries should empower migrants to adopt a more active citizenship and become more integrated in the societies where they choose to live.

For Mohamed Khachani, a demystification of the question of migratory risk is in order to foster an improved dialogue between south Europe countries and North Africa countries. Sending countries are affected by political crises, socio-economic instability, and illegal migration from North Africa; receiving countries practice discrimination in labour market and social space.

Mendo Henriques argued that a multilevel approach to security is imperative in the Euro-Mediterranean region, on account of the presence of distinct regional and national interests. Stereotypes should be discarded and modernization should be promoted by sharing a doctrine of natural right enshrined both in modern secular and religious allegiances.

To Francis Ghilès, as economical growth in North Africa has been insufficient to stop migration, Europe is having problems to integrate young immigrants and postponing political and economical treaties with Southern Mediterranean. There should be a technical support to needing countries, and Mahgreb Banks should risk investments and should support young entrepreneurs.

Georgia Papagianni provides an overview of the historical development and the institutional framework of the migration agenda within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. She provides a critical appraisal of recent policy developments within the stricto sensu Euro-Mediterranean Partnership framework and at a more general EU level.

Fatih Tayfur calls attention to how current strategic and political events in Afghanistan and Iraq may affect the Mediterranean migratory flows. A new dialogue strategy is needed to implement proposals of Turkish foreign policy.

Abdel Moughit Tredano envisions migrations as a geopolitical question. It should encourage a mutual cultural enrichment and it should not block the development of receiving countries. Security needs better controls achieved through a multiplication of agreements between the EU and sending countries.

Jean Claude Monod defines secularization as a generic separation between state and religion, but according to variable formulae. The USA prefers the civil religion model, France the laicité model. Muslim migrants are able to dialogue and integrate in both kinds of models.

Alami Houria argues that integration must be approached as a two-level process. As South Mediterranean individuals are supposed to become integrated in European societies, South Mediterranean countries should also be co-opted by the Western processes of modernity and secularization.

For Inacio Steinhardt, in spite of growing divisions in Israel, the socialist impulse of the Founding Fathers of the country morphed into the solidarity impulse in present Israeli civil society.

To Sidney Shipton Islam phobia and anti-Semitism have the same source; to counteract them, much can be achieved through interfaith dialogue. In spite of strong identity and differentiation, persons of different heritage, faith and religion, may work together and originate beneficial effects, as practiced by the Three Faiths Forum.

According to Jean Yves Camus, political pressures of far-right parties, in the post 9/11 context, challenge the immigration policies of Western Europe countries; up to a point, they became part of the mainstream parties' agenda. As countries call for tougher immigration policies, they base them upon a biased understanding of the relationship between immigration from Southern Mediterranean countries, Islam and Islamic radicalism.

Lorenza Sebesta argues that, most of all, Security Studies need non-deductive paradigms of analysis. State security is one thing; migrants' security is another. In between stands the necessity to build a new concept of European identity which must be not be biased by organicism neither laicism.

To Jude Wanniski, as the US stands at the top of the pyramid of world powers, because of its undisputed technological, economical and military power, it misuses its hegemony since 1991; a Cold War attitude is maintained instead of a new management of multilateral global institutions.

According to William S. Lind, in the 21st century, there is an increasing variety of actors engaged in conflict – tribes, regions, religions, sectarians, and enterprises. As war is no more an exclusive of interstate conflict, the state must distance itself from sources of disorder as a precondition to collective security.

Ely Karmon argues that Radical Islamic Movements like Hezbollah consider a liberated fundamentalist territory as their legitimate basis to attack Israel, the only Jewish state amidst a sea of Islamic countries.

For Paula Pereira, the Barcelona Process is not the only model for the Mediterranean dialogue. Economical and cultural disparities between North and South and demographic pressure should propel more innovative policies.

To Massimo de Leonardis, the dialogue between North and South Mediterranean countries and NATO improved after the traumatic changes of September 11. Misunder-standings were somehow subdued as North and South united against common terrorist threats.

Mónica Silva and Maria do Rosário Vaz enhance how Portugal, unhindered by recent colonial issues in the Euro Mediterranean and profiting from a strategic position, has strengthened his role of partner in the region, particularly in the Maghreb, in areas such as tourism and energy.

We would, finally, like to express our gratitude to providers, presenters, moderators and participants in the Workshop for their insights and contributions.

We would single out Lieutenant-General Garcia Leandro, Director of IDN, Portugal, until September 2004 and Professor Marques de Almeida, currently Director of IDN, both gave full support for this initiative. Manuel Pechirra, Chairman of the Luso-Arabian Institute for Cooperation, Portugal, was a key player of this Workshop.

Professors Antonio Marquina, Helder Santos Costa and Major-General Mohamed Kadry Said who, for various reasons, could not send their papers, made most valuable presentations.

We are particularly grateful to the moderators, who did a wonderful job: José Lamego, Professor and Parliament Member, Portugal; Ramtane Lamamra Ambassador of Algeria in Portugal; Lahzar Bououny, Ambassador of the Tunisian Republic in Portugal; Ângelo Correia, Portugal; General Garcia Leandro, Portugal; and Ambassador Manuel Amante, Cape Vert.

To all other participants in the Workshop, listed in Annex II, we express our thanks.

We are particularly indebted to António Paradelo, Antonio Baranita, Paula Pereira, Vanda Santos and Delgado da Rocha as well as other IDN staff who made all the arrangements to enable the smooth functioning of the Workshop.

Antonio Baranita further worked in the preparation of this book with IDN trainees Filipe Romão, Olinda Costa, Elias Bene, Marta Boavida, André Chagas, Amália Martins and Licínia Simão. Without his and their professionalism, this book would not be possible.

Last but not least, we express a word of regret for the loss of Jude Wanniski (1936–2005), the celebrated author of The Way the World Works, who so much enjoyed coming to Portugal and spread his good news that the democratic global electorate should have the last word in international relations.

Mendo Castro Henriques, Mohamed Khachani